Igbo Community Living: A Critical Option for the Quest for Restructuring Nigeria

The clamour for socio-political restructuring of Nigeria has reached its climax, hence scholars of diverse field have engaged themselves in the debate, resulting to barrage of extant literatures. The major concentration of these literatures is the socio-political and economic restructuring, which may lead to regionalization, resource control and/or secession. The current work envisions some hiccups in this model and opt for an alternative restructuring paradigm that will address the fundamental questions of human life, integrity and social justice. In adopting socio-anthropological and historical methods, this work took serious survey of extant literatures in form of archival, internet materials and books on Igbo community living. It therefore, discovers that the socio-political restructuring will not solve the problem of ethnicity, religious politics and bigotry. Hence it concludes that a viable option for Nigeria restructuring is moral, values and mental restructuring/orientations via Igbo community living archetype.

Economic stress and political uncertainty have engendered multiple localised violent conflicts and the divisive rhetoric in the country, resulting to agitations on how resources are shared and managed across the country. Thus, many Nigerians are calling for a comprehensive rethinking of Nigeria’s governance architecture and demand for restructuring of the nation’s socio-political and economic apparatus [1]. Lamenting on the current state of affairs [2], notes that present security challenge occasioned by terrorism, kidnaping, abduction and armed robbery have become the definition of Nigeria socio-political system. This has resulted to institutional failures, making Nigeria a failed state. The consequence could be described as mass revolution as the people vent their anger and discontent through various social agitations by forming horrendous groups like the Boko haram, the herdsmen and other tribal groups like IPOB, Afenifere, Arewa Consultative Forum, The Odua People Congress (OPC), Movement for the Survival of Ogoni People (MOSOP) etc.

This creates an impression that the people are now awake to the myriad problems confronting the country and are determined to finding solutions to them [2]. Accordingly, Ali I, et al. [3] note that in Nigeria the agitation for restructuring revolves around resource control, review of revenue sharing formula, devolution of power, return to regional federal system of government based on six geo-political zones, removal of immunity clause from the constitution, creation of state police, redefining the roles of traditional rulers among others.

However, prominent among all meanings associated with restructuring is secession and resource control. Reiterating this idea, Godwin KO [4], avers that the South-eastern region has witnessed agitations by several groups for a restructured Nigeria but unlike most of the Niger Delta groups, whose primary aim is resource control, most of the groups in South east are demanding for a separate nation. Notably, it is not the South east alone that is demanding for a separate nation [4]. The agitation for separate nations by other tribes gave birth to such groups such as Afenifere, Arewa Consultative Forum, The Odua People Congress (OPC) in the West, Movement for the Survival of Ogoni People (MOSOP) in the South-South etc [3]. The fact is that there is separatist agitation in virtually every area of the country. Agitations from many quarters of the country are indices to the fact that the social cohesion and unity of this nation are threatened or under siege that could be dangerous to the co-existence of the society, indicating therefore that the foundation of Nigeria nationhood was built on wrong principles.

However, it is doubtful whether socio-political restructuring will solve Nigeria’s problems, since these are the first major issues that come to mind when people hear or speak about restructuring Nigeria [5]. On this note, David SS [6] asserts that some have argued that the sure solution to recurring violence between two or more distinct groups living within one state is to create two states where there was previously one. Now where the problem lies according to David SS [6] is as follows:

The creation of a new state where none existed before will often produce more violence than would otherwise be present. A common form that this violence assumes is recursive secession…. Violent conflict after secession tends to assume one of two forms and in the worst cases, it assumes both at once. The first type is an interstate conflict between the rump state and the new secessionist state and the second type is a new secessionist conflict within the post-secessionist state . . . When secession is under consideration, this second type is rarely fully understood because the focus is upon secession as a solution. Yet secession is also the source of new problems.

In their own opinion, Uthman A, et al. [7] note that apart from the calls emanating from the apparent failure of the Nigerian governments to properly operate a true federalism, most of the agitations have political, religious and ethnic undertones. Thus, from the political economy perspective, it is generally believed that “agitation for secession has become a veritable source of socio-economic opportunities and political patronage for sectional elites and communities [8]. Behind most of the agitation for creation of additional states, secession and resource control, looms largely class interests of ethnic warlords, who wish to transform into effective competitors in order to expand their material base [8]. Hence, it is obvious that the weightier problems arising from corruption, favouritism and nepotism now gave birth to the evolution of ethnic militias. Overtly, a nation that wants to make progress must concentrate on developing its human capital by giving them the right orientation, the right mind set and the right incentives [5]. Hence, Farayibi A [2], suggests that the priority need of Nigeria is not political restructuring and bogus projects and polices rather mental and value orientations. For him, this will address the paranoid ethnic rivalry, marginalization of minority, devaluation of lives and leadership deceit that have characterized the present government. Therefore, it is the incessant agitation for restructuring of the country that motivated the researchers to embark on Socio-anthropological and historical evaluation of the Igbo Community living prototype as an alternative restructuring model for Nigeria.

Nigeria was multi-ethnic society brought together by the British as part of the colonialist and imperialist rampage of the 19th century, known in history as “The Scramble for Africa” [9]. Ali I, et al. [3], note that ‘earlier in the 19th century, the British had conquered the different parts of present Nigeria at different times and took control over them. Prior to this conquest, what is united under the aegis of colonial overlords in the name of Nigeria had existed as conglomeration of “empires”, “emirates”, and “kingdoms”. These were on the other side of history independent/autonomous and sovereign political units. [10]. Nuhu Y [9], avers that “most of Nigerian pre-colonial societies were acephalous entities, which were non-centralized and lacking in any serious statecraft appurtenances. Among these are the Igbo nation, the Tiv, Ebira, and the other less organized and smaller communities. In demographic terms, the communities that came to form Nigeria varied in size. The big ones numbering in tens of millions of citizens – such as the Hausa/Fulani with not less than 67 million people, the Yoruba with not less than 40 million and the Igbo with not less than 32 million native speakers according to 2006 doubtful census [9]. However, following the official conquest and annexation of Lagos in 1861, colonial rule took effect in Nigeria [10]. Victor EI, et al. [11] observe that the British amalgamated the Northern and Southern Protectorates in 1914 without regard to their histo-cultural, socio-economic and political distinctiveness of the federating units.

However, the Nigerian federalism is the outgrowth 1946 Richard’s constitution. This divided Nigeria into three regions of North, West and East. Nuhu Y [9], reiterates that the new nation passed through several constitutional process from 1922 to 1960. He notes that it was Richards’s constitution of 1946 and Macpherson constitution of 1951 that made Nigeria a semi-consummate federal state. Here, Syklar argues that “a federal system of government comprising three regions-the North, Southeast and Southwest was established in 1954, “based on a historic compromise negotiated by British officials and the leaders of three major Nigerian political parties, each in control of a regional government”. With the approach of independence in 1960, power over the regions was given to Nigerian-born citizens and regional legislatures were established. By the time Nigeria became a Republic in 1963 and replaced the post of Governor-General with that of President, a national bicameral parliament was established and the country was considered a federation of three regions [11].

Notably, from its creation, Nigerian federalism exhibits a geo-political/structural imbalance with regard to the constituting regions. This imbalance was reduced in 1967, 1976, 1987 and 1996 with the creation of 12 states by the Yakubu Gowon, 19 states by Murtala Muhammed, 21 states by Ibrahim Babangida and 36 states by Sani Abacha regimes respectively. The present Nigerian federation of 36 states and Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Abuja, is divided into six (6) geo-political zones. Now, the basic objective is to strengthen geographical spread and balance in the distribution of political offices and socio-economic amenities as to allay the fears of marginalization of the minority group [11]. The 1999 democratic dispensation brought some succour to the minority group and of course the entire nation with enormous constitutional reforms. The period brought confidence among Nigerians that democracy would reduce marginalization, inequality and discontentment and in turn lead to satisfactory access to the national/natural resources [2]. However, since the inception of democracy/federalism in Nigeria, Nigeria has had to contend with several challenges in applying the federal model to achieving national integration [12].

Although federalism is reputed to be an effective political and constitutional design for managing complex governmental problems usually associated with ethnic and cultural diversity, it has been very vulnerable to wanton destruction of lives and property, breakdown of law and order and crisis in Nigeria [10]. Nigerian democratic option has given leeway to massive misappropriation of public funds and misuse of public trust. These have further created cynicism among the citizens with regard to the genuineness of democratic processes of the nation [2]. Nigerian federalism being found on faulty principles by the colonial overlords and carried on by their stooge after them is faced with a myriad challenge, the outgrowth of which is the current clamour and agitations for political restructuring [11]. Elucidating further on the reason for outcry for restructuring the country, Akpanika notes:

It is the failure to address the imbalance in the socio-political system of Nigeria by the past leaders that is the root cause of instability, violence, militancy and insecurity in Nigeria. The gross inequality in the distribution of natural resources, the monopoly of power by the northerners, the claim of majority number in the country’s population are some of the socio-religious problems that are plaguing the Nigerian State. This claim of superiority and dominance is the foundation for religious intolerance and several other socio-religious and political crises and violence in Nigeria since independence in 1960. Today, some of the homogenous states and sub-nationalist, who were hitherto silent in the case of distribution of natural resources are rising up in agitation against the inequality in the management of the natural resources.

Hereto, the agitation of Nigerians for political restructuring is not unfounded and as the days go by the agitation continue to heighten as the challenges that give birth to it are not addressed by those holding political clout. The daily increase in the Nigeria restructuring mantra by the less powerful and voiceless citizens is a serious sign that the country is heading heedlessly to the brinks of disintegration. Hence something must be done and urgently too. However, the question is ‘Is socio-political restructuring the answer to Nigeria quagmire woe? Should Nigerians think of socio-political/economic restructuring or moral/integrity restructuring?

For Godwin KO [4] restructuring means, a change from the status quo to a more effective and efficient order of state management. This makes restructuring a purpose-driven activity that fulcra on replacement of an existing system with a new one that becomes an aid vide to achieving the set purpose [13]. Restructuring is therefore the process of increasing or decreasing the number of component parts that make up a system and re-defining the inter-relationship between them [5]. For Mohammed G, et al. [14] restructuring denotes a political and administrative ideology that agitate for the reshuffling of the entire state apparatus. Here, restructuring involves the economic redistribution of resource among the component units of the federation on the basis of true federalism.

However, there is hardly a consensus among scholars on what political restructuring means. This is mainly because federalism tags along with modern democracy and modern democracy ideally is noted for oppositions, disagreements and agitations as to press for better conditions of welfare for the citizens of the state [15]. Restructuring in political hermeneutics means a growth and development strategy used to reframe the power perspectives of the institutions and level of government (Federal, State, Local). Restructuring therefore becomes a political term which denotes true devolution and decentralization of power within the state to allow regional growth and development [16].

The second category of meanings associated with restructuring is secession. Here, Farabiyi A [2] avers that ‘due to the perceived imbalance and marginalization in resource control, power devolution and sharing within the state, majority of Nigerians, mostly from the South-South and South East zones are of the view that the country’s unity should be renegotiated as to allow regions freedom of association as well as secession. This would prevent discontentment and perceived wild spread injustice’. For Babalola, the clamour for restructuring of the nation’s political apparatus is very high among the Igbo ethnic group, owing to what they considered as marginalization, non-integration into the mainstream of Nigerian politics since after the civil war and lack of visible presence of the government in the south eastern region. This gave birth to some pro-self-determination groups like IPOB (Indigenous People of Biafra) and MASSOB (Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra), which agitate for the secession of the eastern region. Similarly, a sense of political and economic marginalization accounts for the agitations of the minorities in the Niger Delta (or the south-south geo-political zone), where the bulk of Nigeria’s oil is located, who are asking for exclusive political space encoded in the ideation of ‘resource control’ and true federalism. The people have a perceived sense injustice in resource distribution and as such demand for the removal of the imbalance in Nigerian wealth and political distributions.

Here, Mohammed G, et al. [14], aver that in the quest for control of power and resources, the political elites evoke religio-tribal feelings among the people, especially the poor illiterate masses to upset the political structure of any nation. The consequence therefore is that the state becomes faced with critical failure in rendering her legitimate duty of providing security, caring for the welfare of the citizens and planning for the future of the state. It also faces critical challenges in managing inter group conflicts and as such becomes vulnerable to the manipulations of both internal and external rapacious class (power elite) for accumulation of wealth. This assumption provides a paradigm for judging the Nigerian socio-political scenario as ethnic marginalisation and tension have become a permanent feature of Nigerian state, resulting to political and economic restructuring agitations. Edewor P, et al. [17] summarized the Nigeria political experience within the following categories:

• First, there is significant inequality within regions.
• Second, states are likely to be highly regressive, with an extraordinary share of state expenditures captured by national and regional elites.
• Third, the ordinary as well as elite Nigerians tend to view their society in ethnic/religious terms.

The above assumptions covertly gave birth to country’s unequal division along ethnic cleavages in the determination of political course and socio-economic matters. This also becomes the bedrock for the proliferation of nebulous and dissident groups within the Nation’s socio-political stratum [18]. Therefore, the agitation for restructuring the system of governance, power sharing and rotation, devolution of powers, revenue allocation formulas, resource control, derivation principle, state creation by the aggrieved group should be understood within the foregoing narrative [14].

The agitations for restructuring/secession may be germane, however, it should be noted that if it is not properly planned and handled, it can lead to greater danger and perhaps to system collapse [4,5]. Here, the Sudanese case may serve as a worthy example. We note that the separation of the two Sudans in July 2011 created severe difficulties and threats to the nation and her people. Instead of curing the problem that brought about the restructuring, it resumed a more severe tensions, the initial euphoria notwithstanding. Just to pinpoint few cases, note that after the secession of the South from the North barely two years after, the South, who were feeling marginalized in the Sudan found themselves in a full blown war in 2013. This was a show of shame by the generals and this created factions within the military. This situation was captured by Eye Radio Network in the following lines:

On December 15, 2013, fighting broke out in Juba between different factions of the armed forces in what the South Sudanese government described as a coup 'état. President Salva Kiir announced that the attempt had been put down the next day, but fighting resumed December 16. Military spokesman Colonel Philip Aguer said that some military installations had been attacked by armed soldiers but that "the army is in full control of Juba." He added that an investigation was under way. Eventually the Sudan People's Liberation Movement split into two main factions, divided on the issue over leadership of the ruling party.

On a further global scale, we note that Gorbachev’s introduction of his dual socio-political and economic policies of perestroika (restructuring) and glasnost (openness), which Boris Yeltsin capitalized on and dismantled the Soviet empire in favour of independent Russian state, brought untold hardship to the poorer federating states of USSR. The overall consequence being that USSR lost her authority over the federating states, lost her peace and unity. She also lost her leadership role within the world community. Her strength was in her number and unity. Besides, since the breakdown of the Soviet wall, that region of Europe has not known peace as there has been bloody and intercine wars across the federating states of the former USSR.

Against this backdrop Steven AB [5], enunciates that there are many dimensions to restructuring, some of which include political restructuring, economic restructuring, educational restructuring, social restructuring, accounting restructuring, administrative restructuring, restructure of security apparatus. Nwafor I, et al. [13] enunciate that if Nigeria must embark on restructuring of any kind it must be ideological restructuring. In proposing ideological restructuring the following pitfalls to Nigerian unity must be noted. These are:

• The arbitrary amalgamation of 1914 by Britain without any proper negotiation and integration of the various ethnic nationalities.
• Nigerians attachment to primordial sentiments over and above Nigerian state.
• Lack of justice, fairness and equity in the distribution of resources and opportunities among the different entities that make up Nigeria.
• The rising culture of impunity and the inability or perceived refusal of government to protect lives and property.
• Increasing poverty and unemployment in the country/failure of government to addressing issues of livelihood and social provisioning” [12].

Against the backdrop of these fundamental socio-political and economic faultiness of Nigerian state, the quest for restructuring should be understood. However, restructuring as a solution to Nigeria’s hydra headed problems has been challenged in many quarters [15]. Those who are pessimistic on the workability of restructuring point to the problem of patriotic/visionary leadership and committed citizenry as the root of Nigeria socio-political quagmire, resulting to endemic corruption that has characterized the Nation’s polity [19].

Therefore, Okeke M, et al. [16] avers that, “no amount of political or economic restructuring can bring any meaningful progress unless we first restructure and re-orientate our minds, change our value system and develop sound character. Hyginus BO [20] argues that “Nigerian elites, including their supportive masses are reluctant to interrogate or discuss how to restructure poverty and disease that are ravaging the system. There is also inexplicable silence on how to restructure corrupt culture and ethnic chauvinism and perhaps suppress criminality that characterized the political economy. In other words, there is no discussion or debate on how to restructure the class structure, especially the artificial bourgeoisie class, whose sources of wealth do not originate from industrial production but from politics and corrupt governance. Therefore, in thinking restructuring, Nigerian masses should be concerned with “whether restructuring will “corner” more resources for the majority of them or just for the greedy few, who are at the helm of the clamour” [19]. In all, the problem we face in modern Nigeria cannot be adequately addressed by socio-political restructuring, hence the need for alternative restructuring model.

The Igbo community living is based on the core values of human dignity and humane living irrespective of tribe, social status, gender and religion. These values according to Okoro NK, et al. [21], have been destroyed by the modern socio-political and economic system. This was occasioned by the people’s contact with the western imperialistic system. The outgrowth of which becomes violence, strife and disunity in modern Nigeria and overly the reckless agitation for restructuring the current socio-political system.

The Igbo people constitute one of the major tribal groups in Nigeria. According to the colonial geography, the Igbo people occupy mainly the eastern part of the country. They found their homes in Anambra, Imo, Abia, Ebonyi and Enugu States and also live in large number in Rivers and Delta States of present day Nigeria. At the time of their contact with Europeans around 1830s, they had an estimated population of five million but have grown steadily to more than thirty million according to 2006 doubtful census.

The Igbo traditional structure consists of a number of nuclear families making up the Umunna, three or more of which form the village group [22]. Thus, Clement IO [22] enunciate that “in traditional Igbo society members share common market place, common deity and common ancestral cults. Administrative authority in the village group was vested in a common lineage heads, influential and wealthy men and women, who command respect and obedience from the members of Umunna. Central to the Igbo familyhood is the complex interrelatedness of all human beings. A person is born into a vast network of extended family. Life is lived communally and in solidarity with others.

Among the Igbo people, a human person is defined in terms of socio-cultural relationships and belongingness [22]. Thus, the individual is taught that from cradle to grave one depends on one’s kin group and community [23]. For Joannes A [24], traditional “Igbo idea of security and its values depends on personal identification with and within the community. The community is the custodian of the individual, hence he must go where the community goes”. Christopher A [23], re-echoes this assumption when they note that this arrangement grants not only security to the individual but also aids the one in socio-economic attainments and overly brings about unity of the people as none suffers marginalization. Therefore, in Igbo traditional community, belongingness becomes a defining archetype of communality [22].

Underlying the Igbo notion of social living is the demand for what is described as beneficial reciprocity -the realization that no individual is self-sufficient [23]. Accordingly, the Igbo expression Ikwu n’ibe (person and community) is meant to show the type of bond that exists between the individual and his community. The Igbo value of social life is manifested in the fact the people consider ostracizing any member from the community as a terrible punishment only to be meted on the individual by the recommendation of the God(s). The under listed is a summary definition of the Igbo people:

• People in personal contact,
• People concerned for one another’s welfare,
• People committed to common purposes and procedures,
• People who share responsibility for joint actions, and
• People who value membership in the community as an end worth pursuing [23].

The Igbo community evidently is based on the ideology of wholesome human relations, which means living together and fostering a sense of community of brothers and sisters [25]. On this score, Gade explicate on the notion of African [Igbo] famliyhood in the following lines:

A true African (Igbo) humanist/socialist does not consider one class of humanity as his brethren and another class his enemy. He/she does not form alliance with the brethren for the extermination of the non-brethren but regard all human beings as members of an extended family.

On this Ezenweke EO, et al. [25] note:

We regard our living together not as an unfortunate mishap warranting endless competitions among us but as a deliberate act of God to make us a community of brothers and sisters jointly involved in the quest for a composite answer to the varied problems of life. Hence, in all we do, we always place man first and hence all our action is usually joint community oriented action rather than the individualist.

Here are some of the cardinal values of the indigenous Igbo people that fostered community living:

• Sense of brotherhood
• Sense of solidarity
• Value for human life
• Sense of mutual conversation/of justice

Sense of brotherhood

The Igbo sense of brotherhood spurs the Igbo person to consider people of other races as brethren, sharing equal humanity with them [24]. Thus African family life has to do with more than the nuclear family of father, mother and children, it is rather made up of all beings both the dead and the living of all gender, classes and races and the unborn progenies. Nzominwu notes that the Igbo community is first considered ontologically as it promotes the equality of all humankind. In the community everybody has relationship with everybody. All share in ontological paternity of the creator. Here, everyone considers himself/herself as a definite member of the community and part of the whole. Okoro resonates:

The Igbo family structure goes beyond biological progenitors and progenies and beyond human families in their extended root to include the metaphysical world and this explains the conviviality with which the Igbo peoples’ treat visitors. Hence, the veracity and relevance of the Igbo (African) dictum, ‘the brotherhood of all people of the earth’, irrespective of color, race, religion and gender… therefore, they strive to maintain the ontological harmony between all shades of beings and things in relationship with them.

The sense of brotherhood of all people is the bedrock of traditional Igbo community living, a living in harmony, togetherness and tolerance. Thus, the Igbo belief that Agbata-obi onye bu nwanne ya meaning that one’s neighbour is his/her brother.

Sense of solidarity

Interdependence is a fundamental principle of Igbo philosophy of life/community living. This philosophy gave birth to the Igbo popular maxim ‘Igwe Bu Ike’ [United we stand]. Underlying this principle is the ideation of ‘beneficial reciprocity’. This means the realization that no individual irrespective of how strong is self-sufficient and indispensable within a given Igbo community [23]. Therefore, the adage ‘Oha zuru mee’ (whatever the people/community say, they will do). The Igbo people anchor their philosophy of social solidarity on what Innocent Asouzu called ‘Ibu anyi ndanda’ (no task can surpass the strength of ants). It is upon this under-guiding philosophy that the Igbo social solidarity should be understood and interpreted. The Igbo social solidarity philosophy produces the individual that is community oriented [26].

Here, everyone who belongs to the society receives a uniform treatment. It is in this context that human rights and dignity become community property [22]. For Azouzu, ibuanyidanda… is fundamentally a social relation of production. It is the act of doing things together; the spirit of corporate existence, mutual assistance in work by all and the spirit of collective effort found among the traditional Igbo people. For Agwaraonye C [27] in the Igbo traditional society, the individual does not and cannot exist except within a corporate community. The community therefore makes, creates and defines the individual as the individual depends on the corporate group for the recognition of his/her existence. Within the framework of the Igbo community solidarity, what is crucial to the individual in terms of identity and personal satisfaction are not the things he possesses or his position but the warmth and security he enjoys because he belongs to and feel secure within his village and society [25].

The strong value for human life

Joannes A [24], notes that the traditional Igbo people regard human life as sacred and as such worth respect, value, protection and preservation. This preservation of life translates into action and apply in their day-to-day life [28]. Hence, wilful murder is an abomination in African traditional society/culture as such human life cannot be taken with impunity [24]. The people consider life from a cosmic view and the implication is that they object to any form of materialistic consideration or treatment of life. Life for the Igbo people inheres from a mysterious force(s) that is behind the creation of the universe. The people see in life the interconnection between all living creatures without exception. Hence, the ideality of interconnectedness and total inseparability of origin and common source all lives found central to Igbo ontology. Here, the life of mankind without the discrimination of colour, race, nationality, religion, gender etc., with life of animal, plant and the natural environment share common origin and source of existence. Michellenotches that there is basic oneness in the universe and beyond and the search for the transcendent is precisely the search for this oneness that unifies all creations. Collins M adds:

A starting point for addressing the monumental understanding needs begin with the recognition that all forms of life are connected to the central support system, the earth. Therefore, it is important for the greater planetary whole, the recognition of which could create a shift in thinking that leads to the emergence of holistic consciousness.

For the Igbo people, living means living together in mutual support as life cannot be lived in isolation. The foregoing Igbo ideality of life as sacred makes the traditional people to abhor doing violence to any life, even that of a seeming stranger. This is captured in the idea of Amadi, Africans (Igbo people) do no violence per se. this is because shedding of blood is abhorred. Onwubiko notes:

Among the Igbo people of eastern Nigeria, the killing of kinsman, the antithesis of caring for him, was not only a crime but also an abomination. In this light, unborn children are protected and abortion is tabooed, source of life are sacred. Trees and animals that are believed to facilitate reincarnation are also sacred.

This deep value for life by the traditional Igbo people is manifested in this Igbo proverb, Mmadu agaghi eji maka unwu na amu were rie Nne ya (one cannot because famine eat his/her mother). This proverb according to Charles A [28] shows there is no amount of hardship that warrants the destruction of an innocent life. Destroying of human life is seen as ‘Aru’-abomination”.

Sense of mutual conversation/justice

The village council strategy is found within most Igbo communities and has been one of the most effective means used by Igbo people to achieve resolution of conflicts, reconciliation and forgiveness through the means of dialogue… most Igbo meetings are convoked to establish the true way of getting along with one another… the community therefore provides the base and framework for mutual resolution of conflicts in accordance with the culture. This is handled by the community hierarchy of “Umunna” [29].

The art of dialogue and conversation is another area the Igbo people display their enviable sense of horizontal human relations. In conversation, priority is given to individuals’ sentiments as issues that may cause misgivings are avoided [25]. Clement IO [22] maintains that “all rights of Umunna membership are accorded each person. Such rights include: Rights to attend Umunna meeting, rights to speak one’s mind and hold opinion, rights to lay complaint against a fellow member of Umunna or a non-member in Umunna meeting and right to a fair hearing in all complaints whether for or against”. The people generally express what justice demands with such sayings as onye emegbula ibe ya (let no one cheat his neighbour); egbe-bere-ugo-bere (live and – let-live). As a result, the norms and values of solidarity, cooperation, mutual benefits and interdependence were upheld in the community living of the Igbo people.

Practical Demonstration of the Igbo Community Living in Nigeria Socio-Political Space

The Igbo people have no passionate attachment to a particular soil, locality and region that is common among other African ethnic groups. The Igbo man’s country is in his mind/understanding. He carries it wherever he goes and whether he migrates north to the Hausa/Fulani or west to Yoruba, his home is wherever he finds minds congenial to his own [30].

Though the Igbo people were the last in the Nigerian union arrangement to have reasonable contact with outside world, due mainly by certain natural and geophysical limitations. However, within a short period, they became the most mobile of not only in Nigeria but also within the globe, ranking second to the Jews of Palestine. Hence, their presence became both influential and dominant in socio-political landscape. The Igbo migratory and seamless personality is captured in the following lines:

When the Hausa-Fulani were told that white men travelled to the moon, they were quick to ask if they saw any Igbo man on the moon. When the response was negative, the Hausa-Fulani dismissed the story as mere fiction. The white men did not go anywhere. There were nowhere in the heavens and earth where you will not find an Igbo man. Go and tell the white men that they are joking. Among the Hausa- Fulani there is a saying that if you go to any village or town and you do not see an Igbo, just take the next exit out, the people must be evil. A Yoruba father was said to have advised same to his youth corper son travelling to Northern Nigeria for the first time to serve: Anywhere you see the Igbo just get down from the vehicle and feel comfortable, relax and enjoy your refreshment but if you fail to see an Igbo in any vicinity you get to make haste and proceed to the next bus for your own safety [31].

Mgbeafulu MC [32] in justification of the mobility of the Igbo peoples notes that within the earliest period of the opening up of Nigeria Ndi-Igbo moved in their drove to other parts of the country. Thus between 1953-63 the presence of Ndi-Igbo counted about 124,989, which is about 60% of Non-indigenous presence in Northern region. The Igbo had a manifest presence in Kano, Kaduna, Zaria and Jos. Their presence in the western region was estimated at 644,000 within the same period. They account for about 70% of the non-indigenous presence in Lagos metropolis. Nwauwa and Korieh collaborates this, as they note that in 1921 only about 3,000 Igbo people were found in the whole of northern Nigeria but within ten years that is 1931 the migration index growth shows that 12,000 Igbo people had moved to the north and the number grew to 127,700 in 1951. They also note that within the period about 32,000 moved to the west and 10,000 moved to southern Cameroun.

Adejumoke AA, et al. [33] calibrated the total presence of Ndi-Igbo in Lagos to be about 84% of the total residents. Notably, as the Igbo people move to any part of the world, they move with their worldly goods. Here, Orugun JJ, et al. [34] observe that the investment index of the Igbo people in Lagos alone shunts at 74%, while 5% belongs to Hausa-Fulani group, 15% belongs to non-Nigerian citizens, while 5% belongs to other Nigeria tribes and 1% belongs to the Yoruba people, the traditional owners of Lagos.

By their massive movement to various part Nigeria, the Igbo people dissolved into Nigeria. In the idea of Ibiloye EO [35], the Igbo people felt that everywhere was home and believed in one Nigerian project. Thus, Ndi-Igbo moved with their souls and bodies to wherever they go and make everywhere they find themselves a home. It is against this backdrop that the Igbo moral characters of hospitality and accommodation find interpretation. Ahamefule therefore describes the Igbo people as quite unique in their disposition, accommodation and in their relationship with people of other races of the earth. This moral values of accommodation were evidenced in the fact that the people voted massively for Alhaji Umaru Altine of Fulani origin to be the first mayor of Enugu in 1952 and 1956. However, it must be noted that Nnamdi Azikiwe played prominent role in the making of Umaru the Mayor of the Capital of Eastern region. In reporting the role of Zik, Tadaferua U [36] notes:

Nnamdi Azikiwe’s political machine made it possible for Alhaji Umaru Altine to become the mayor of Enugu. Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, the first Governor General and first President of Nigeria was by no means quest for united and indivisible Nigeria cannot be compared to rest of his contemporaries. According to Richard Sklar, an American political scientist, who authored the book “Nigerian Political Parties”, Mallam Umaru Altine, who hailed from the old Sokoto Province of the defunct region of Northern Nigeria and who served as President of the Enugu Branch of the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC) was elected the first Mayor of Enugu in 1956. In my humble opinion, this again goes to show the kind of very elevated and futuristic politics played by Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe, the first Premier of Eastern Nigeria and the most sincere proponent of Nigerian national unity of all time. It is a testimony to his impeccable credentials as the ultimate Nigerian that during his time in office, a Mid-Westerner and incumbent Oba Erediauwa of Benin (then Prince Solomon Akenzua) and a Northerner, the late Abdulaziz Atta, the Gowon-era Secretary to the Government of the Federation who died in 1972, both served as Permanent Secretaries of the Eastern Nigeria Civil Service.

The Igbo people saw a home in Nigeria, while perhaps, other ethnic grouping in Nigeria consider the supremacy of their tribe as more important than the Nigeria union. This assumption is given credence in the ideality of Chief Obafemi Awolowo, who described Nigeria as a ‘mere geographical expression’ [37], while Alhaji Ahmadu Bello described the south as a conquered territory to be added to north, which he saw as the estate of his grandfather, ‘Uthman Dan Fodio. The implication of Awolowo and Bello’s assumption is that they saw no real union in Nigeria amalgamation.

However, the Igbo people had different opinion about Nigeria and her diverse people and culture. The saw Nigeria heterogeneity as strength rather than weakness. This assumption is evidenced in the following actions undertaken by Igbo people and her leaders:

• Nnamdi Azikiwe rejected self-governance for Eastern Nigeria in 1957 because the Northern region was not ready. The rejection was based on the fact that the independence of the eastern region before the North will lead to the balkanization of Nigeria.
• General Aguyi Ironsi on assumption of office as the military head of Nigeria made decree 34 which aimed at unifying the country
• Aguiyi Ironsi and Chukwemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu pledged their lives to stopping the January 15 1966 military coup in Nigeria
• Chukwuemeka Oduegwu Ojukwu’s decision to join NPN, a political party with Northern origin on his return from exile rather than NPP, which was considered an Igbo based political party.
• The Igbo return to the North with great zest after the civil war. This gesture has resulted into an overwhelming development of the north.
• The refusal of Ndi-Igbo to retaliate to the act of religious and political killings by the Maitasine and Boko Haram terrorist group based in Northern Nigeria

In the final analysis, it therefore becomes a revelation that the Igbo people have an in-built trait to work for the good of other people without expecting a recompense. Hence, Agbo Nnaemeka J [37] describes the Igbo people as altruistic, who treat other people with a legendry niceness. Hereto, Nwala describes the Igbo people as ‘one of the dynamic nationalities in the world listed as one of the world’s 10 great tribes that is highly collective, self-reliant and hospitable. What therefore made the Igbo people quite different from other tribes/ethnic grouping is their philosophy of common community living, which they imbibe from cradle, sustain and nurture to the grave

The need for moral and value reconstructions have been envisaged by the political class and that made the national government to introduce such programs like MAMSAR (Mass Mobilization for Social Reforms) WAI (War Against indiscipline) and Rebranding Nigeria Project. These programs as good as there were died at the point of their birth. Critically, the major reason for their death is anchored on lack of any known philosophy of human living. The programs were simply a bogus political jingoism aimed at diverting the attentions of the poor masses from the real issues affecting their wellbeing and social corporate existences. Hence, the current work on the utilization of Igbo principles of humane and community living paradigm as a viable means of social and moral reforms in Nigeria. However, our new the project has to be sold to the masses and the political class seeking for a new Nigeria by the social media of all kinds. Further, the designers of school curriculum must also be involved in this social crusade as they include the theory and practice of Igbo community living in the academic curriculum of all levels of formal schooling, special primary and secondary school Levels. The national orientation agency, whose duty is to create attitudinal change should also be part of the public education machinery.

The modern Nigerian state of disunity, ethnicity, religious bigotry, terrorism, incessant destruction of lives and property, inequality and injustice have made life unbearable and without purpose. The Nigeria system has made life of her citizens very cheap as millions are sacrificed in pursuance of policies born out of religious motives and ethnic bigotry. Here, the emphasis on restructuring has eluded primary concerns of the masses to meet the necessities of life- food, shelter, security, sense of belonging, freedom of speech etc. Therefore, there is avid apprehension that the country seems to be hopelessly nosediving into socio-political and economic quagmire woe as corruption, abuse of power and social segregation have become the defining paradigm of Nigeria system. Therefore, poverty has assumed the moral character of war and this is a reflection of much of the ethnic violence in this country. Hence, the timely agitation for socio-political restructuring of Nigeria among diverse ethnic groups. However, Socio-political restructuring may not bring about the desired solution. Therefore, this study having taken time to survey the intricacies and idealities of Igbo community living and opts for moral, value and mental restructuring/orientation via the traditional Igbo community living paradigm.

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